However, in the Republic of Ireland, the indeterminate Irish and British community, which represents a distinct culture and tradition, has been paid scant attention. Perhaps this is because this community has been quiescent, often even frightened, of giving voice to its aspirations following the overwhelming success of the violent separatist nationalist movement in 1922. Those who flew the Union flag for centuries were subjected a pogrom between 1920 and 1926 when some 60,000 fled. No wonder the motto has been, "lie low and say nothing". Survival was everything. There has been the "even if" mentality. Even if there was deep regret that the political link with the United Kingdom had been replaced by an implacable "ourselves alone" polity; even if the 1937 Constitution was Anglophobic and imposed Irish on those who have shown they do not wish to speak it; even if the Irish State would too often deny its predominant Anglophone culture, the British elements in its political system, its judiciary, medical profession, it was wise to keep quiet. Criticism brought down the wrath of the people in the new State.

In this new era of redefinition of identities, of respect for all traditions, the Reform Movement was formed to give a voice to those in the Irish and British community who have been silent for too long. And to play a part in redefining what it is to be Irish. What is the Reform Movement and what are our objectives?

We are a non-denominational, non-party movement founded by those who share an Irish and British tradition, who are descended from Southern Irish unionists, those from the Redmondite tradition of constitutional politics who sought a devolved Irish government within the United Kingdom, and post-nationalists. We believe that true reconciliation within this archipelago can be achieved only when the Republic of Ireland accepts that it is closely linked to the United Kingdom socially, culturally and economically. We seek an acceptance of the fact that we are from the same rich gene pool in these two islands, and come from deeply shared backgrounds and cultures. We Irish have contributed hugely to the British diaspora, culture and traditions of which we are part. Today, there are more people of Irish extraction living in England than in the Irish Republic, for instance.

We represent a way forward for this island, North and South. A way forward that seeks to go beyond sectarian politics, the traditional conflict of two monolithic, competing bodies. Above all, we seek to influence the future of the Irish Republic as it moves towards a new, civic, more prosperous society in a post-nationalist Europe.

Specifically, our objectives are:

• Parity of esteem. We want recognition for our tradition and culture. We believe the central challenge facing the politicians on these islands is that of reconciling the needs of distinct cultures. The Irish Republic must develop a new and more inclusive attitude towards all those outside the ethno-nationalist block, and allow institutional expression of their concerns.
  
  
• Specifically, we want the Taoiseach to reserve five of his senate nominations for those sectors of the population whose views are under-represented in public life. There are, for instance, no unionists in the Senate, while there are representatives of the Northern nationalist tradition.
  
  
• We ask that flags and other symbols may be used in the South to celebrate the Irish-British tradition, just as the Irish government insists that nationalist flags and symbols must be used to celebrate their identity in Northern Ireland.
  
  
• The words of the Irish national anthem should be rewritten to reflect the heterogeneous nature of the Irish to-day, rather than the narrow, violent nationalism of the 1920s.
  
  
• Language. The English and Irish languages should be made equal languages to reflect the reality of the Irish situation. We ask that the compulsory nature of Irish is ended in our schools which has resulted in the shameful lack of other language instruction, especially in the primary school curriculum. The school curriculum should instead reflect the realities of Ireland's relationship with the European Union.
  
  We believe it is time to abandon the discriminatory policy of making proficiency in Irish a requirement for employment in State agencies, the security forces and the legal profession.
  
  
• Constitution. We have submitted a lengthy proposal to the all Party Committee on the reform of the Constitution which argues that the 1937 Constitution was written for a Catholic, nationalist people and imposed a startling degree of homogeneity on the Irish people. Attitudes towards the role of women in society are those of a social dinosaur.
  
  
• Rather than having continual of plebiscites and piecemeal legislation, we advocate that an entirely new, modern, civic Constitution is drawn up which leaves highly divisive matters concerning abortion and matters concerning the family to our elected representatives in the Dáil.
  
  
• Commonwealth. We urge that the Irish Republic to join the Commonwealth, following the example of the republics of South Africa, Namibia and Fiji. This would signal political and cultural maturity and realism.
  
  
• Council of the Isles. The expression of the diversity of the traditions and identities of the people of these islands through their coming together in harmony in the British-Irish Council of the Isles is surely the way forward to express "the totality of relationships among the peoples of these islands", as stated in the Belfast Agreement. We advocate that membership of this Council is by electoral mandate.
  
  
• Dual citizenship. We support the granting of Irish passports to those nationalists in Northern Ireland who want them. However, we believe the same right should be accorded to the Irish and British community in the South. We seek a situation where anyone born in the Republic of Ireland would have the right to be either Irish, or British, or both, as recognized in the Belfast Agreement for people in the North.
  
  
• We ask for the right to non-denominational State hospital care and education.
  
  
• We would like to see the Radio Telefís Éireann board include Directors with non-nationalist viewpoints.
  
  

Conclusion

We seek to achieve our aims through meetings with T.D.s including John Bruton, and Prionsias de Rossa, with the Department of the Taoiseach on dual citizenship and the membership of the Commonwealth. We have met and will continue to meet the British Embassy to pursue dual citizenship. On this issue, we have obtained an opinion from a barrister who helped to write the Belfast Agreement.

We have two high profile journalists as patrons, Ruth Dudley Edwards and Bruce Arnold.

It is planned to hold a Conference this year in Dublin concerning the redefinition of Irishness, the British nature of the Irish and the impact the Irish on British culture and traditions. We participate in RTÉ's Question and Answers and other RTÉ programmes from time to time. We were invited to speak with a small number of minority community representatives on BBC Ulster's "Talk Back" from Dublin on 4th July 2000.

Yes, we are small in numbers and in influence, but we believe in having a small number of activists rather than large numbers of dormant members. We need time to grow and it does take time to come out of a tradition of quietism. However, in a country that in many ways is deeply Anglophone, we have only one way to go, forward. And the spirit of the Belfast Agreement is irreversible and we are in and of that spirit.

Robin Bury



© Reform Movement 2003